Belarusian Themes

“In Ukraine, famine was accompanied by massive repression of teachers, cultural functionaries, and others, viewed as the result of and the vehicle for a ‘wrong’ indigenization. In Belarus, the measures taken were similar, if somewhat less severe.”
This book is an attempt to keep the attention of contemporary analysts focused on the social and cultural legacies of totalitarian experience in the space between Prague and Pyongyang.
“Official propaganda exploited Ukrainian and Belarusian nationalisms to justify the new partitioning of Poland following the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, and put forward the notion that it was a matter of completing the unification process of Ukrainian and Belarusian territories with those oppressed by Poland.”
“The Soviet version ascribed the blame for Katyn to the Nazis. This myth lay at the heart of the efforts to advertise the fate of the Belarussian village of Khatyn, razed to the ground by the Germans… After the collapse of the USSR, further investigations were also hindered by the difficulties of working in the newly independent states of Belarus and Ukraine… The Memorial society has repeatedly raised the issue of the identity of Ukrainian and Belarusian victims of the massacre, and their burial sites.”
“Soviet troops were withdrawn from the Baltic states, the peaceful and cooperative denuclearization of Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan was successfully implemented.” 

Titles from the backlist, contemporary topics on top, older themes below.

What is Lukashenka’s secret? Energy is key. In some years more than a third of the exports is based on the oil sector – in one of the most gas- and oil-dependent countries in the world – which has enabled Belarus to live beyond its means for most of its first 20 years of independence. This monograph explains how besides smart gambling on the country’s geopolitical position, the interests of a variety of energy policy actors in Russia and Belarus have contributed to the successes of the regime.
Prospects however are bleak and the West must count with the huge social consequences of politically destabilizing implications if the gas-based development model expires. 

The relationship between history and politics in Eastern Europe experienced many dramatic changes since the beginning of Perestroika over 25 years ago. The "archive revolution" in the 1990s was very productive for historians. But the latest years show dramatic U-turn in historical politics, including examples from Belarus. A textbook found “the deeds of NKVD and the activities of the McCarthy Commission in USA quite comparable.” 

Gorbachev: For instance, it turns out that in 1940 Stalin gave a few regions of Byelorussia to Lithuania. Now Byelorussians are demanding the return of their land. They say their republic suffered from the Chernobyl disaster. Many districts of Gomel Oblast had to be resettled due to the radioactive fallout. Even now they want to use the former Byelorussian regions to settle their citizens there. They adopted a resolution, which we tried to keep under wraps by the way, but they made it public it themselves. May, 1990
Face to face conversations of superpower leaders at the end of the Cold War on a thousand pages.
Gorbachev: Then Stalin said that the nationalities problem no longer existed; there was a “Soviet” nationality. The Byelorussian language had almost died out. So once the dam burst, the nationalities issues burst out into the open. June, 1990
Gorbachev:
Just a couple of weeks after Lithuania adopted the Act of Restoration of Independence and recognized the entry into the USSR as illegal, Byelorussia raised the question about returning its territories, which were given to Lithuania when it entered the Soviet Union. This includes the Vilnius region, where 40 percent of the population are Polish-speaking, and where there are many Russians. July, 1991
Yeltsin (to Bush)
: We got together today, Mr. President, the leaders of the three states—Byelorussia, Ukraine, and Russia. We gathered and after many lengthy discussions that lasted about two days agreed that the system in place and the Union Treaty everyone is pushing us to sign does not satisfy us. And that is why we got together and literally a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. This accord, consisting of 16 articles, is basically a creation of commonwealth or group of independent states. December, 1991

“It was so inspiring! I remember we lived in the same tiny apartment, all of us, forced to sleep like sardines in a can, but it was some kind of amazing too” – a Belarusian artist recollects about the first unofficial artistic contacts “abroad” in the 1980s, ironically in another Soviet republic, Estonia. The avant-garde art festival in 1988 in Narva was a landmark in this connection.
The collective book with 35 contributors that analyzes artistic interactions both within the Soviet bloc and with the West between 1945 and 1989.
In the first years of independence Poland was the most important place for artistic connections. In 1991, the Belart exhibition of unofficial Belarusian artists was organized in a deserted factory in the center of Warsaw. “It was not possible to take more than five pieces of work abroad. This is how certain techniques were invented, such as stretching several canvases over the same frame or hiding finished works underneath an unused canvas.”
Nuisance prevailed also in the following years: “The crew of six to seven artists lived in the same apartment, working in the night and visiting the galleries where they left their works during the day.” 

For more than half a century the truth about Jewish life in post-war Belarus was sealed in inaccessible archives. The detailed presentation of the attrition that the small surviving Jewish community went through during the last years of Stalin’s rule required years of minutious studies that included browsing in KGB archives, thumbing through statistical tables and interviewing former Belarusian citizens in Israel. The roughly 200,000 Jews who remained of the one million Jews who had lived in Belarus within its 1941 borders actively participated in the restoration and reconstruction of the Belarusian economy and of its cultural, scientific, and educational projects. But in 1949–53 the Belarusian authorities were particularly zealous in their conducting of campaigns against “cosmopolitans,” the destruction of Yiddish culture, by the official silence on the Holocaust and its consequences and on the Jewish contribution to the victory over Germany, and finally, by the “Doctors’ Plot.” As a result, the Belarusian Jews suffered possibly considerably more than Jews in other regions of the USSR.

“Although Serbs and Poles also suffered during World War II, Belarusians were hit hardest of all. Belarusians, for the most part, believed that they are alone with this history of suffering, and they are right.”
“What dominates in Belarus is a version of liberation from the East. Lukashenko is trying to pass on that very narrative to the next generation, and he might as well be successful. The important thing about the way this narrative functions is that it is anti-Western. It is much more anti-Polish than it is anti-German, because it is more convenient to be anti-Polish than to be anti-German. It presents Belarus as being in a sort of vanguard of protecting civilization. The barbarians were in the West and we in Belarus are the ones who were protecting Russia from the aggression of the West. This particular story makes it very hard to imagine that the Belarusian foreign policy could change any time soon.” 

“Five hundred years ago they did not know they were Belarusians, but they had the largest state in Europe. By the time they realized it, Belarusians had no state and were considered either half-Russians or defective Poles. But they still existed. Finally, they got lumped in with the Soviet People. Now Belarusians do have a state but they have discovered that they no longer exist.” This quotation (from a film) fits the argument of the monograph about the co-existence of two parallel concepts of Belarusianness —the official and the alternative one. 

International comparative research of verbal magic covered the entire continent from the Atlantic to the Black Sea, and includes the development of the index of the East Slavic charms, magical texts and prayers. In both Belarusian and Russian childbearing charms, the main theme is Holy Mary bringing keys for opening the woman’s body at childbirth, as here:
“Идзе Божья Мацерь, Хвартух подоткнутый, А в том хвартухе Золоты ключы. —Куда идзешь, Божья Мацерь, И с золотыми ключами? —Наце вам золотые ключы, Отмукайце ворота И выпускайце бладенца на свет”.

Why were there more pogroms in Belarus than in Lithuania? In the Belarusian provinces there were many instances of minor anti-Jewish violence or brawls in which the warring sides were divided according to ethno-religious identity. In the cities, where the pogroms most often occurred, a significant part of the population consisted not of Belarusians or Lithuanians but Poles or Russians.
The first widely publicized pogrom in Belarus in the twentieth century took place in 1903. The September 1–2 events in Gomel’ are regarded in historiography as the beginning of a new wave of anti-Jewish violence in the Russian Empire that lasted until 1906. During the 1905 Revolution, pogroms were motivated in large part by a desire to punish the Jews for being revolutionaries. The most severe pogrom in Belarus occurred on June 1–3, 1906, in Belostok. In the course of three days, eighty-two individuals (seventy-five Jews and seven Christians) were killed.
Pogroms should not be associated with Belarusian nationalism. The main mouthpiece for nascent Belarusian nationalism, Nasha Niva (1906–1915), wrote positively about Jews. It urged its readers not to listen to propaganda about how Jews were parasites of the Belarusian people. 

“In 1859, the use of Latin script for Ukrainian and Belarusian language was forbidden in order to minimize Polish influence. The restrictions were designed to prevent emancipation of these vernaculars and to establish Russian as the sole language of education".
Processes of nation-building within the Romanov Empire – including suppressions of national aspirations – are examined in parallel with related trajectories in other empires in Europe.
“The creation of the Ukrainian and Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republics, along with the vigorous Soviet policy of Ukrainization and Belarusization within the framework of the general drive toward korenizatsia in the 1920s, all were policies deconstructing the very backbone of the Russian nation-building project of the imperial time—the concept of the unity of Great, Little, and White Russians as the branches of a single nation. All the eastern territories of contemporary Ukraine and Belarus, which were deeply russified before WWI, were transferred to those Soviet republics, often in spite of the protests of the local population, like in the case of the Vitebsk or Donetsk regions. That move was motivated by the wish of the Bolsheviks to create Belarusian and Ukrainian Soviet republics which would be attractive for those Ukrainians and Belarusians who found themselves under Polish rule after the Soviet-Polish war of 1920”. 

The city of Mir played a special role in the history of Gypsies. The institution of Gypsy overlords appointed by the Radziwiłłs in this town dates back to the beginning of the 18th century. Even greater fame was enjoyed by Smorgonie (Smargon’), known for its Bear Academy, a school of bear taming, from where bear-trainers headed towards the different cities of Europe.
The story of the Gypsies in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is based in greatest part on municipal archives.
“These Gypsy women, during my absence, when I was at the market on Tuesday on the eve of St. Elizabeth’s day, were drinking in my house and jumping around my manor and were doing other strange things. And then twenty kopas of groszes and two signet rings and other things were gone from my case”—a complaint in Ruthenian entered into the municipal books of Połock (Polatsk) in 1533.